在纽约州批准宪法大会上，激烈的辩论开始于6月21日新罕布什尔州批准宪法的前几天，以及4天后弗吉尼亚州批准宪法的前一周. 但是，直到6月24日，新罕布什尔州批准该条约的消息才传到纽约. In the meantime, 亚历山大·汉密尔顿和詹姆斯·麦迪逊之间保持着频繁的通信往来, well aware of the fragility of their cause.
On June 19, 汉密尔顿曾向麦迪逊承认，在纽约“很难猜测结果会是什么”. 他哀叹道，宪法的反对者“人数远远超过我们”. Nevertheless, “so far the thing is not to be despaired of.”
第二天，麦迪逊给汉密尔顿写了一封信，他们的信在邮件中交叉了. 这时，麦迪逊感觉自信多了，尽管身体已经疲惫不堪. Believing Virginia would be the ninth State to ratify, 从而使新政府根据宪法组织起来, 他向汉密尔顿报告说，预计将以“3或4的多数”获胜. “There is nevertheless a very disagreeable uncertainty in the case,” he cautioned, 因为“我们目前的实力有可能被误判.”
直到7月中旬，两人之间每周都有几次通信. Madison continued to pin his hopes on the majority of 3 or 4, “or possibly 5 or 6 votes,” as Hamilton’s despair deepened. “我们在这里成功的机会微乎其微，”他吐露道，“如果你出了差错，就根本没有机会了.” If ratification failed in Virginia, New York would be lost.
当新罕布什尔和维吉尼亚州批准的消息传到纽约时，联邦党人欢欣鼓舞. The Constitution would go into effect. But New York Anti-Federalists were unwilling to concede. After receiving news of New Hampshire’s decision on June 24, Melancton Smith, the most vociferous of the Antis at the New York convention, resumed his speech against the Constitution the very next day, as if nothing had happened. 他长篇大论地谈到了拟议中的参议院的弊病，亚历山大·汉密尔顿反驳了他, in turn, was refuted by Smith.
Robert Livingston was stunned. Rising in near disbelief, he demanded whether “it would not, perhaps, be altogether impertinent to remind the [convention] that, since the intelligence of yesterday, 很明显，这个国家的情况发生了很大的变化, and the ground of the present debate changed.” The fact was, he exclaimed, “The Confederation was now dissolved!摆在他们面前的唯一问题是“政策和权宜之计”.他们应该“考虑自己国家的情况”，并担心“一些人可能会考虑分裂”.”
Smith was undeterred. 宪法得到必要的九个州批准的消息“并没有改变他在这个问题上的感受和愿望”,他一边坚持说，一边继续支持一项修正案，该修正案将允许州立法机构在参议员任期届满前罢免他们. John Lansing rose in support. “从昨天起，我们的特殊情况实际上已经改变了，”他开始说，“我不能同意. It is true, we have received information that the ninth state has ratified the Constitution; 但我认为这件事不应该影响我们的讨论. It is still our duty to maintain our right. If, unfortunately, a disunion should take place, 我们的情况并没有糟糕到我们无法独立于其他国家来保障我们的安全.”
Smith and Lansing were not alone. Henry Oothoudt, the Anti-federalist chairman of the committee of whole, 他指出，“新罕布什尔州收养孩子的消息似乎没有给人留下印象”，并预计“不会有印象”.” Gov. 克林顿在给约翰·兰姆的信中说:“新罕布什尔的消息对我们在这里的朋友没有丝毫影响.” Nevertheless, 反联邦党人和反联邦党人的圈子里都传出了反联邦党人分裂的声音. John Jay, one of the authors of the Federalist, summarized the division in a letter to George Washington: “Some insist on previous conditional amendments; a greater number will be satisfied with subsequent conditional amendments, 换句话说，它们是为了批准宪法，条件是在给定的时间内进行某些修正.” To Jay, “these circumstances afforded room for hope.”
Unaware that he was confirming Jay’s apprehensions, 史密斯把他的计划告诉了马萨诸塞州的朋友内森·戴恩. The Antis, he advised, should “calmly consider the circumstances,” and “accommodate our decisions to those circumstances.史密斯的“伟大目标”是提出“实质性修正案”，然后有条件地“采纳宪法”.” That is, if they agreed, 条件是某些修正案“在通过后的一到两年内进行”, or the ratification to become void.他最担心的是，一些最具影响力的反对者可能会出现“温和派”. 史密斯向戴恩吐露了自己的心事，他说:“处理这场争议的主要工作在我身上.他在信中附上了几项修正案的副本，这些修正案已经在大会上提出，很快就会出现在全国各地的报纸上.
7月初，大会继续逐段审议，反对派继续提出修正案, in effect re-writing the Constitution. In the meantime, Federalists changed their strategy. Until hearing that New Hampshire and Virginia had ratified, they had “disputed every inch of ground,” but then, they changed “their defense.” According to Federalist delegate Abraham Bancker, Federalists “changed their system of proceeding; whereby it appears no reply will be made to any of their propositions until after the whole of the [Anti’s] objections shall be stated.” The New York Daily Advertiser took notice, 出版了一封“来自波基普西的信”，一位联邦党人在信中写道, “The powers of eloquence and argument are unavailing; we shall therefore refrain from any further exertions in defense of the Constitution.” New York’s place in the Union remained uncertain.